Any portrayal of France in the first decades of the Twentieth Century often shows societal divisions enhanced by the often bitter consequences of Gallic passion. Since politics is a primary vehicle to arbitrate disagreement, life in these often turbulent times can be better understood through an understanding of the Third Republic which provided the governmental framework for the French to quarrel- a practice for which they are widely famous.
The Third Republic of France like its two predecessors came into existence after significant domestic turmoil. Unlike it predecessors, however, it faced significant resistance resulting in a protracted period of nearly five years before details of its constitution could be agreed upon. This struggle was directly related to the divisions existent in French society in 1871, divisions that had widened in the years since the French Revolution, and would prove a source of great instability in subsequent years.
In the short span of several weeks in 1870 the French forces under Napoleon III were shattered near Sedan effectively bringing to an end the Second Napoleonic Empire. More than a year would elapse before the Franco-Prussian war would end, however, during which time the provisional government of France would flee to Bordeaux and Paris would be subjected to a prolonged siege. Wide scale deprivation led to starvation and a break down in society culminating in an uprising by the underclasses- the Commune- which was violently suppressed.
By the end of 1871 the subsequent Prussian victory celebrated by a treaty at Versailles formed the basis of the unification of Germany, while leaving the provisional government of France to deal with the effects of wide scale destruction throughout Paris in the aftermath of civil war and the loss of Alsace and parts of Lorraine.
At that time the preference of the majority of the members of the provisional government was not for a republic, but the resumption of the monarchy in some form. The problem was that there were three possible contenders for that position who often had irreconcilable differences and each possessed significant constituencies. This created problems especially given the ineptitude of the Bourbon heir whose intransigence increasingly doomed the cause of those favoring the restoration of monarchical government.
The failure of the conservative forces- the landed aristocracy and their strong allies in the church, military and government bureaucracies- allowed the forces favoring a Republic to gather strength. Under the charismatic leadership of Leon Gambetta, the number of deputies supporting an elected form of government became such that forming a government that would meet their needs and that of the old order became increasingly difficult.
That such a task should prove difficult should not be surprising given that differences between constituencies who owed their power to land and privilege and those that had gained riches in commercial activities had been a source of untold conflicts and misery from the beginning of the French Revolution. The former were inherently distrustful of the masses while the latter were drawn to them by notions of fraternity and support for their commercial enterprises.
By 1875 no final constitution had yet to be agreed upon. The sole accomplishment was the naming of Marshal McMahon, a strong conservative, as President. Yet in January of that year with its mandate for governance nearing an end and with a conservative President and Premier in place, members of the provisional government were becoming increasingly concerned about the prospect of a military coup. Then in a series of strange votes an amendment declaring France a Republic composed of two Chambers and two Presidents was voted down only to have an amendment from one of the chambers most insignificant members pass by a single vote the following day.
That so called Wallon amendment named after a provincial classics professor who had proposed it stated that the President of the Republic is elected by absolute majority of Senate and Chamber sitting as the national assembly. The President would serve for seven years.
It went on to say that the Senate’s 300 members would have one third of its members appointed by life by the the national assembly and thereafter by the Senate itself. The remainder would be chosen indirectly by electoral colleges where rural councils were vastly over represented in comparison to urban locales.The Chamber of 618 delegates was to be elected by universal suffrage, which at that time did not include women, and their term was to be four years.
At the time the amendment was adopted each of the contesting sides saw in it pros and cons. Adolphe Thiers who had been responsible for suppressing the Commune and who had insisted that any Republic could exist only if it was conservative, gave perhaps the most fitting description of this amendment which would be the foundation of French government for sixty five years when he said “it divided us the least.”
Whatever ideas various members of the government might have about the Third Republic and its workings were soon clarified by a crisis of May 16,1877 provoked by constitutional provisions untested by the fires of political battle. At it inception the Senate, as predicted was comprised of conservative if not reactionary elements and coupled with President McMahon theoretically provided a strong safeguard against any ill conceived actions of the Chamber which was dominated by Republicans. Indeed, it was the President’s prerogative to name the Premier or leader of the chamber which soon led to trouble when his appointments were rejected as too conservative by the Chamber.
As was his prerogative after Senate approval, McMahon dissolved the Chamber and called for new elections which once again returned a sizable majority of Republicans to power forcing the President to appoint a Premier of their liking. To make matters worse for the old order, in the elections of 1879 the provinces gave the Republicans a majority in the Senate as well, thereby bringing McMahon’s rule to an effective end. His replacement Jules Gr’evy was a staunch Republican.
Thus by 1879 the Third Republic had established the dominance of the Chamber of Deputies and the power of the universal electorate to shape policy. Future Presidents dependent on their votes for power would never again dissolve the Chamber. Subsequently deputies would often appoint the most mediocre of men as President to insure against consolidation of power in too strong an individual.
Yet despite this seeming victory the forces of the old order still had much power and were never truly defeated. What ensued would be many crisis some of enormous import provoked by the antipathy of the aristocracy, church, military, civil service, judiciary and media aligned against the many perceived failures- imagined and real- of popular democracy.
Thiers assessment at its onset underscored the weakness that would plague the Third Republic throughout its life. It would be at its best when it offended the least by adjudicating solutions that pulled together the increasing disparate factions that made up French society. Ultimately, however such a government is at the mercy of the men that govern it, and for much of its history it would be shaped by the frenetic and temperamental nature of men whose competence was unequal to the task of elevating Frenchmen to a greater vision beyond their own self interests and that of their class.